I don’t know if it’s just the extent to which Conservative activists were gaslit by the polling and CCHQ’s abject campaign, but the mood among those I spoke to as the night progressed was oddly chipper, given the Tory party was set to receive the worst result in its long history.
But when it looked at one point as though it might return fewer than 70 seats, and there seemed to be the faint possibility of Sir Ed Davey as leader of the opposition, the 1997 result minus 20 or so seats suddenly didn’t look so bad.
In the short run, that psychology is welcome: it makes the odds of a complete meltdown, and a shotgun marriage with Reform UK, much less likely. The important thing is that it doesn’t run over into complacency – this is still a horrific result, and the Conservatives’ internal reckoning must face up to the scale of the disaster.
The question now is who is going to oversee that reckoning? For as Labour ministers get their feet under their desks and begin the act of being performatively shocked by the real state of the books, the Conservatives are about to plunge into a leadership contest.
Voters have already winnowed the field: Grant Shapps, always an outside bet, is out in Welwyn Hatfield. More significantly, Penny Mordaunt lost a close-fought race in Portsmouth North. That means the Tory left, never the most potent force in these contests, has lost its most plausible champion.
Yet the hard right hasn’t had a good campaign either. Suella Braverman won in Fareham and Waterlooville, and will certainly be a contender in the contest to come. But while Reform UK won a lot of votes, its failure to deliver on the promise of the exit poll will undermine any push for an immediate deal.
At one point, whether or not to reach an accommodation with Farage looked set to be the defining split of the race. But after six weeks of thoroughly toxifying their brand, the other candidates are all playing down the idea of a deal with Reform UK.
Hopefully the Conservatives will treat Farage as the scabrous con artist that he is, and won’t give him the opportunity to feast on their party’s rotting corpse.
Listening to the lettuce loser this morning on R4 and she was still claiming that the previous Labour government were to blame. 14 bloody years later!
And JRM lost his seat. Magnificent!
She is one remarkably stupid, reality-blind narcissist.
protip: everyone’s next move defines their future, that’s how time works
In this house we obey the laws of thermodynamics!
Maybe they’ll go even further right to try and claw back some reform voters?
You can’t out-Farage Farage. The Putin-sponsored shyster has no limits. Elections are won in the middle ground in the UK. The Conservatives could easily win next time. They just need an affable leader, some more centrist policies and some headlines about how they’ve had a change of heart and want to be nice to poor people now and balance the books again. Worked for Cameron. Starmer, meanwhile, had to make a difference in the cost of living crisis so large that people notice they’re getting better off, and restore hope that our children will be better off than us. Tall order.
Tall order.In four years as well, meanwhile ‘Good Old Nige’ will be sliming all over the place.If Putin falls, Farage will disappear like a fart in the wind.
Hopefully soon.
Slime is the word.
Depends on how they interpret the vote.
The right wing arseholes will claim that is needed. But there will be some understanding that many reform voters knew they could not win in thier seat. But would punish Tories for corruption and other failures. Add the expected landslide in polling. Many tory voters who dislike labour knew voting reform would not change the overall winner but would punish Tory corruption.
There will def be a % of Tory leadership making that argument. And pushing for a more centre right policies with huge work to improve the image of corruption. Somehow.
I can see the party being way more split before it chooses a direction.
This is the best summary I could come up with:
I don’t know if it’s just the extent to which Conservative activists were gaslit by the polling and CCHQ’s abject campaign, but the mood among those I spoke to as the night progressed was oddly chipper, given the Tory party was set to receive the worst result in its long history.
For as Labour ministers get their feet under their desks and begin the act of being performatively shocked by the real state of the books, the Conservatives are about to plunge into a leadership contest.
But while Reform UK won a lot of votes, its failure to deliver on the promise of the exit poll will undermine any push for an immediate deal.
With a strong batch of second-place finishes in Labour seats where the Tories were nowhere, Farage et al may see no reason to link their brand to that of the Conservatives.
A longer contest would almost certainly be a more interesting one, giving the candidates the opportunity – not that all of them would take it – to attempt a proper intellectual reckoning with the sheer scale of the failure that produced this result.
But even at this nadir, they will still be worth paying attention to, for one simple reason: they remain this country’s main centre-right party and, at present, are almost certainly going to be the kernel of whatever government eventually replaces Labour.
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